Defense engagement between Japan and Italy picks up pace.

With a joint fighter program, navy port calls and information exchanges in F-35B operations, Italy and Japan are quickly expanding defense and security ties as Rome seeks to intensify engagement in the Indo-Pacific while Tokyo broadens its network of partners to counterbalance China’s growing military ambitions.

The rapid pace of bilateral military engagement has become evident in recent weeks. On Tuesday, Maritime Self-Defense Force Chief of Staff Adm. Ryo Sakai announced that the service can exchange information with the Italian Navy on the operation of the F-35B fighter aircraft both countries are acquiring.

Italy and Japan are procuring both the F-35A (conventional take-off and landing) and F-35B (short take-off and vertical landing) variants of the advanced aircraft, with Rome set to field 60 F-35As and 30 F-35Bs and Tokyo planning to acquire up to 105 F-35As and 42 F-35Bs over the coming years — the most of any non-U.S. customer.

The MSDF plans to deploy many of the F-35Bs from its two Izumo-class helicopter carriers, both of which are currently being converted into light aircraft carriers.

Italy has already begun implementing plans to increase its military engagement in the region, with patrol vessel ITS Morosini making a port call at Yokosuka naval base from June 21 to 27 as part of a five-month deployment to the region.

The Japan visit, which included drills with an MSDF supply vessel, marked the first by an Italian warship in more than 20 years.

Rome is reportedly also planning to deploy its upgraded Italian Navy flagship, the aircraft carrier ITS Cavour, on an Indo-Pacific tour sometime in late 2023 or early 2024.

The flurry of tie-ups comes after Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and his Italian counterpart, Giorgia Meloni, agreed in January to elevate bilateral ties to a “strategic partnership,” a move that also entails a bilateral consultation mechanism on foreign policy and defense issues.

When justifying its increased military engagement, Italy, which is a member of NATO and the Group of Seven nations, has embraced the argument often used by both Japan and NATO, namely that the security of Europe is “inseparable” from that of the Indo-Pacific.

For its part, Japan has been bolstering its network of international defense partners, including with individual European countries and NATO overall, amid concerns about North Korea and China’s expanding military capabilities.

The growing momentum in ties between Tokyo and Rome was highlighted during a visit to Tokyo in mid-March by Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto, who pledged to expand defense cooperation in several areas, including cyber defense, training and joint exercises.

His Tokyo visit also included a trilateral meeting with British Defense Secretary Ben Wallace to discuss cooperation on the Global Combat Air Program, a three-way project agreed to in December to develop a next-generation combat aircraft.

Scheduled for completion by 2035, the aircraft is intended to replace about 90 aging F-2 fighters operated by the Air Self-Defense Force, while Britain and Italy plan to use it to replace 144 and 94 Eurofighters, respectively.

The program also marks Tokyo’s first cooperation with countries other than the United States to meet a major defense requirement. In fact, GCAP is seen by many as a unique cooperation opportunity between the three countries in the fields of industry, research and development.

Modern defense systems are very expensive to develop. As a result, it is almost impossible for most countries to afford them without partners, said John Bradford, a naval expert at the Singapore-based S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

Indeed, the GCAP partner countries are also considering exporting the fighter once completed, a move that would further reduce production costs but might require Japan to revise its military equipment export rules.

“Japan may have the world’s third-largest gross domestic product, but it still benefits from sharing the costs,” Bradford said, pointing out that European partners such as Rome are particularly attractive to Tokyo because they share similar levels of military and industrial capabilities but are not direct competitors in terms of Indo-Pacific economic or political competition.

But it’s not just about reducing costs. Tokyo is also trying to access some of the defense technologies of European states, while diversifying its defense technology relations, said Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi, project assistant professor at the Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology at the University of Tokyo.

On the one hand, European states will see Japan as a highly dependable partner to ensure stability in the Indo-Pacific. On the other, this new cooperation opens Japan up as a market for European companies to not only sell defense technologies but also establish joint ventures, he noted

What makes Italian companies so interesting for Japan are their experience in defense and aerospace technologies as well as their joint ventures with other European firms, Hinata-Yamaguchi added.

Analysts expect Tokyo and Rome to continue deepening defense exchanges and exercises as well as to push forward on joint defense technology initiatives.

That said, Bradford argues that it is unlikely Japan’s partnership with Italy will advance to the same potential as seen in Tokyo’s relationship with London.

Nonetheless, “these early milestones will set important precedents upon which Japan and Italy will be able to build,” he added.

Source: The Japan Times

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